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8 N A T I O N A L N U R S E W W W . N A T I O N A L N U R S E S U N I T E D . O R G J A N U A R Y | F E B R U A R Y 2 0 1 5 NEWS BRIEFS America's Bitter Pill: Money, Politics, Backroom Deals, and the Fight to Fix Our Broken Healthcare System By Steven Brill Random House, 2015 BOOK REVIEW F rom march 23, 2010 through late January 2015, stock prices of seven of the largest health insurance companies soared from 118 percent to 361 percent, well above the 75 percent jump for overall stock prices. March 23, 2010 is also the date President Obama signed the Affordable Care Act. Insurance companies, which gained sever- al million new captive payers required to buy private insurance, were not the only industry insiders to harvest a bonanza. The 25 biggest pharmaceutical companies pocketed more than $100 million in profits in 2013 alone. Big Pharma, too, gained a lot of new subsi- dized business through the ACA, a law that Steven Brill in his new work, America's Bitter Pill, concludes in part produced only "one clear group of winners—the healthcare industry." Brill's main mission is to provide an insider account of the ACA's inception, enactment, and implementation, through a tale of lobbyists, executive branch and congressional staff, some academics, federal office holders, and techies. Late in the story, here's how Brill summa- rizes the development of the Affordable Care Act: "All the years of Ted Kennedy's crusad- ing, all of [Senate Finance Committee staffer] Liz Fowler's drafting, all of the days of wrangling votes on Capitol Hill in 2009 and 2010, all of the backroom deals and furious lobbying by all those industry play- ers, all of the frantic efforts to game the CBO [Congressional Budget Office] scoring process, all of the millions of hours and billions of dollars spent writing regulations and building the almost junked website." In the nearly 500 pages of the book, a few ordinary people do appear, but only as victims of the healthcare industry, whose struggles as patients, mostly with unpayable bills, emphatically demonstrate the need for systemic reform. Missing from this account are the thousands of nurses and other healthcare and community activists who have worked for years for fundamental transforma- tion of what Brill colorfully calls a "dysfunc- tional healthcare house (that) with the bad plumbing and electricity, leaky roof, broken windows, and rotting floors, would never have been built and become so entrenched in its special interest foundations that it could not be torn down." But tearing it down, because of its funda- mental corruption and what Brill also calls "a broken down jalopy," is exactly the cure advocated by nurses and the activists who have long campaigned for real reform, through an expanded and improved Medicare for all. Even while conceding that single-payer or national healthcare is the "path taken by every other developed country, all of which produce the same or better healthcare results than we do at a far lower cost," Brill discounts that as an alternative to the ACA. Of course, so did all the key players he profiles, from Congressional and White House staff to the top Democrats at the helm of the process, including former single-payer advocates Ted Kennedy and President Obama. We do get a clear report on the many deals cut with the corporate healthcare industry, including with the drug companies, hospitals, and insurance companies in particular. Most of this is known from newspaper accounts, but Brill does bring it into a strong story narrative. His primary critique is on the high charges and profits of corporate hospitals and drug companies. He exposes the high chargemasters of hospitals and other indus- try price gouging, recounting many examples first told in his highly regarded March 2013 Time magazine article also titled "Bitter Pill." Brill deconstructs the false pharmaceuti- cal pretext that high drug prices are neces- sary for "research," detailing the drug companies' higher spending on marketing and administration than on research and development, not to mention huge public subsidies for that research. Brill is softer on the insurance compa- nies. He overemphasizes the "lower" profit margins of insurance companies compared to hospitals, and sharply criticizes the Obama administration and the president personally for hypocritically attacking the insurers, then utilizing insurance consult- ants to rescue the Healthcare.gov federal insurance exchange website. While noting the insurers' top objective, the mandate to deliver all those new paying customers, Brill leaves out another major objective the insurers also won, protecting their anti-trust exemption so they can effec- tively collude on prices and market share, as reported by Matt Taibbi and others. To be fair, Brill does an admirable job pointing out the high out-of-pocket costs for many, even after application of the very expensive subsidies given to the uninsured to purchase private insurance through the health exchanges. He also nicely exposes the facade of the "Medical Loss Ratio" as a cost- saving device that is easily manipulated by the insurers to count bookkeeping and other non-care activities as a medical expense. While Brill is unsparing in detailing many of the gaping problems of the ACA and devotes nearly half the book to at times tedious descriptions of the well-chronicled failure of the ACA rollout which Brill blames, with some justification, on Presi- dent Obama's "failure to govern," Brill ulti- mately strongly defends the ACA. In his words, "Obamacare gave millions of Americans access to affordable health- care, or at least protection against not being able to pay for a catastrophic illness or being bankrupted by the bills. Now everyone has access to insurance and subsidies to help pay for it. That is a milestone toward erasing a national disgrace." But, he concedes, the law "hasn't come close to making health insurance premiums The Clear Winners of Healthcare Reform And how we got there